The Anatomy of Tribalism

Sauntering leisurely down the road I adjusted my cap slightly as I turned my gaze towards Henry to hear him better. The election fever was at its apotheosis and unlike most metropolitan residents we still kept hanging out despite our political chasm. He'd voted for Baaba on the 8th as he  lamented that Raila stood no fair chance against the machinery & influence of the incumbents. But he insisted that even if Uhuru were going to rig,it was his duty to make it as hard for them to succeed. He added, sometimes the point is not winning but registering your displeasure. And in a way that represents an enlightened understanding of democracy. Henry is in the company of voters from Central Kenya when they show up in record numbers not necessarily to vote for Kamwana but to make it hard for Raila to win. This political calculus of barricading the road to victory while it sounds juvenile evokes electric solidarity among previously unexcited or undecided voters. Kenya's political competition innocuously drifts from manifesto comparison towards a prejudiced binary understanding of what the opposing party says, what it really means coupled with apocryphal prophesies of what will happen when they ascend to power.

At this juncture the electoral contest crystallizes into recognizable ethnic fissures comprised of alliances, allies , enemies and traitors. People subtly begin to litigate history as they locate their address in the spectrum of time and space in this country bequeathed to us by the white man. Kikuyus descended from the home-guard that claimed the booty of independence suspiciously eye descendants of the MAU MAU oft associated with the contemporary Mungiki. For those dispassionate curators of history it is unassailable fact that more native Kikuyus died in the hands of MAU MAU than did the white people MAU MAU claimed to be the enemy. Even worse ,between the end of WW2 and the declaration of independence Kikuyu people languished in the sordid conditions of concentration camps and their movement severely restricted.The concentration camps were lessons borrowed from NAZI Germany to manage 'problematic' communities threatening the state. The Kikuyu then ,much as now ,suffered the collective vilification of having innate blood-thirst requiring preemptive arrangements to contain an dissuade them. The irony of this simplistic assumption is that it ignores the tragedy of torn families and the alternative peaceful movements to achieve independence led by Kikuyus like Kenyatta himself. In fact there are historians of the opinion that MAU MAU delayed the achievement of independence and that the Brits only left after making certain that they had been contained.

The dilemma with MAU MAU's legacy owes to the moral ambiguity that their campaign had on the entire Kikuyu populace. On one hand they were valiant revolutionaries who put their lives on the line to right the wrong of native land dispossession and foreign dominion. On the other hand one cannot ignore the suffering by innocent Kikuyus under retributive actions of the government on all Kikuyus as they pursued MAU MAU ,classified as terrorists. More indelible was the blood of Kikuyus murdered by the  MAU MAU understood to be complicit in the white man's government. While the founding principle of liberation was noble ,the African lives claimed by MAU MAU activity tinged the glory that is uniquely reserved for defenders of the homeland. In fact ,their nefarious campaign consigned MAU MAU fighters to the fringes of society after attainment of Uhuru. The Kikuyu elite that had instruments of power derived from the outgoing colonial rulers punished MAU MAU fighters by marginalizing them in land redistribution programs. Furthermore ,the home-guard descendants espoused progressive ideas derivative of European culture at odds with MAU MAU nostalgia for restoring traditional rituals and culture. So the fight for independence was multi-faceted in that some combatants were on the same side but their vision for the future was as disparate as the skin tone of a white and black man. 

In the detention centers replete with notorious MAU MAU prisoners all over the country communities unrelated to the uprising wrote their footnote in Kenyan history. The Jommo Kenyatta International Airport is fabled to have been built by MAU MAU prisoners toiling under the supervision of Luo and Kamba wardens. Incidents of such interaction between ethnic communities informed the relationship dynamic that existed between Kikuyus and them. When these prisoners returned to their rural homes they painted a picture of the outside world in such colors of  African traitors aiding the white man. So every time Kenyans re-litigate the details of their history before and after independence certain events color their political lenses before they even apply contemporary challenges and opportunities as criteria to elect leaders. The nature of tribalism in Kenya is that the modern state yearns to treat its citizens individually yet our social arrangement bonds us in the solidarity of tribe and culture. Tribe often correlates to common language ,region of residency and customs. There's a familiarity to one's ethnic heritage  that cosmopolitan diversity simply hasn't erased or possibly elevated. 

If people speak the same language it follows that their social circles will exclude those who speak different tongues. This renders the experiment of national unity likely to falter.Fathom a village speaking the local tongue having to speak Swahili to accommodate a minority of Kenyans resident in their area. It is nothing related to any ethnic community's hate that makes them hesitant to accommodate distant Kenyans. It is the nature of change that accompanies the influx & settlement of outsiders that upsets the existing social ecosystem. Ranging from challenges such as competition for resources to barriers of language it is imperative to anticipate a backlash of native solidarity in defense of the status quo.

However ,Kenyans are currently at a point in time where all communities have had different  interactions with each other to the extent that there are no natural 'enemies' or 'allies'. In fact ,the wave of urbanization and development has made a necessity of ethnic diversity. Professionals and technicians teaching ,treating patients, erecting buildings or even doing business make residents look past cultural differences. Kalenjins in Molo ,Nakuru and Eldoret registered a decline if not a standstill of commercial activity following the exodus of Kikuyu residents following successive electoral chaos. And while ethnic blocs of people often reside together the fruits of education and social advancement has slowly but irreversibly increased the range  and importance of ethnic diversity countrywide.

The potency of tribe as a political organizer arises out of a need to defend the identity of one's people and their collective heritage. Whilst Kenyans are initially pliable to listen to the ideas of different politicians they eventually become defensive of their ethnic heritage when politicians define politics by personality ,and the personality derived from pride in native heroism. As soon as Kenyans realize that a politician's clout owes not to an originality of ideology but to ethnic discipleship they automatically turn on their radar and search for their tribal nexus and its kingpin.

And so ,even millennial liberals aspirational to the ideals of fairness ,meritocracy and unity find themselves in the minority espousing those values.They are perceived to be confused or indecisive. They become target to the ridicule of all political factions. In Margeret Thatcher's words they become 'people in the middle of the road (who) get hit by cars from both sides'. As these modern Kenyan citizens urge their compatriots to discuss issue based politics and ignore ethnic considerations their tribesmen perceive them as neutral traitors. The other side eyes them with suspicion wondering if the aim is to divide votes.

So when Henry remarked that the problem with Kenyan ethnicity was Kikuyus ,I was taken aback by the double speak that I was certain he didn't have the tongue for. He referenced jubilation from a Kikuyu supporter for Uhuru after the August eighth election where she said 'Hii nchi ni yetu!!'. While I was sympathetic to his frustration I couldn't help but audit Henry's own political persuasions and interrogate how different he was from that Kikuyu supporter. He added that the other ethnic blocs in Kenya had at least demonstrated that they could support candidates from other communities. A favor the Mt.Kenya people had never paid to anyone else but their own. Despite my objections  I had to concede that he was correct. But still ,that does not make ethnic support for one's candidate over a Kikuyu candidate any nobler. It simply confirms one thing ,that yes ,one may have voted to impede a Kikuyu president from assuming power but it also means that their ethnic chivalry resembles that of the Kikuyu voter who votes in defense of their own.

This nexus of solidarity ,hate and defense of ethnic identities severely restricts the business of government to appeasing its base of supporters for short term gain and not paying sufficient attention and resources to matters of national importance where benefits will be collectively felt. It's regrettable that the popular mandate of power in Kenya is a design to first polarize its participants then gift power to the winning side. Of what could be said of American democracy and its benevolence one must admit that Moi had his finger on the pulse when he predicted that multiparty democracy in Kenya would simply cloth tribal chauvinism in liberal jargon . Of all coalitions and parties in contemporary Kenya none espouse ideology or any sense of nationalism. None of them can divorce its leaders' popularity from their ethnic bases. They do not represent a plurality of opinion but simply remind Kenyans that democracy is a game of numbers. And the community with the highest numbers always has a bigger voice in deciding national affairs.This reduces politics to a contest of unseating the most populous community as they work arduously to defend their voice. In a winner takes all system this is fertile ground for ethnic hatred and marginalization.

And until political parties in Kenya transcend ethnic permutations of coalitions and find more substantive foundations of organisation I implore you to consider a Chinese model for Kenya in the meantime. Einstein quipped that doing the same thing while expecting different results is the definition of madness. Kenya needs a government conducive for business ,production and the elevation of social conditions for every Kenyan not just those well politically connected. The Chinese model is premised on consensus building impervious to competition for its own sake. It has also served  nation of a diverse population contrary to the popular belief that China is a monolithic society.We need a government that prioritizes long term development over populist interventions that dazzle a few for sometime. We need a government whose success is not premised on favoritism to elicit votes but its pursuit to realize equality without having blow-back from the community with the most voters. We also need a government unconcerned with optics and focused on substantive issues. Sometimes critical investments are not seductive and do not show their impact within the narrow short term of 5 years for every electoral cycle. We need to have the courage to contemplate new ways of organizing our government despite the nausea of change. We need the audacity of hope to imagine a different Kenya worthy of pride. 

Carpe Diem!!!!